---
product_id: 146006042
title: "Dawn Of Eurasia Paperback – January 24, 2019"
brand: "bruno maçães"
price: "€ 47.84"
currency: EUR
in_stock: true
reviews_count: 8
url: https://www.desertcart.gr/products/146006042-dawn-of-eurasia-paperback-january-24-2019
store_origin: GR
region: Greece
---

# Dawn Of Eurasia Paperback – January 24, 2019

**Brand:** bruno maçães
**Price:** € 47.84
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- **What is this?** Dawn Of Eurasia Paperback – January 24, 2019 by bruno maçães
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## Customer Reviews

### ⭐⭐⭐ 







  
  
    Eurasia Coverage is Excellent. China Coverage is Poor
  

*by G***S on Reviewed in the United States on September 26, 2019*

Eurasia is big, diverse, and very different from Portugal.Bruno Macaes is to be congratulated for the courage and erudition he brings to bear on this monster of a subject but he gets lost in the weeds when analyzing China and Chinese politics.If China were not  Eurasia's anchor tenant, this would not matter so much, but China is deciding the continent's future, so it matters a great deal. Two examples:"..the boundary between the political elite and the owners of capital has tended to disappear, rendering the former more or less incapable of standing against the latter. Divisions become matters of bargaining or technical adjustment and no longer tend to be seen as irreconcilable." There is absolutely zero evidence of this. 98% of China's bottom income quartile own their homes free and clear; all the land is owned in common, as are the commanding heights of the economy–the entire FIRE segment, utilities, communications, energy and transportation: 33% of the economy. Government rules the private sector with what would seem to us an iron hand and is about to make it transparent to the upcoming Social Credit program.Speaking of the Chinese Dream, Macaes asks, " what exactly is the dream; what does it consist of? Or, in other words, what does China and its leadership want to have such that they would consider the period of national humiliation over? That Xi does not say." This is simply untrue. The Dream's two stages were articulated by Confucius 2500 years ago, adopted as the nation's agenda by Mao in 1949, and the first stage goal was set by Deng Xiaoping in 1978: "By 2021, poverty must be eliminated and everyone must have a home, a job, plenty of food, education, safe streets, health- and old age care."And, sure enough, all those goals will be met on schedule and under budget.Phase Two of the Dream will then become the agenda and the first leg, to last from 2021-2035, will be bringing China's GINI below Finland's, the current champion. By 2049, the aim is to surpass Finland (a convenient example of a modern, socialist state). Then the country will begin serious work on reaching Confucius second stage:"Now to have states, families, and selves is to allow each individual to maintain a sphere of selfishness. This infracts utterly the Universal Principle, gongli, and impedes progress. ...Therefore, not only states should be abolished, so that there would be no more struggle between the strong and the weak; families should also be done away with, so that there would no longer be inequality of love and affection [among men]; and, finally, selfishness itself should be banished, so that goods and services would not be used for private ends. ... The only [true way] is sharing the world in common by all (tienxia weigong) ... To share in common is to treat each and every one alike. There should be no distinction between high and low, no discrepancy between rich and poor, no segregation of human races, no inequality between sexes. ... All should be educated and supported with the common property; none should depend on private possession." ... This is the way of the Great Community. [Kang Youwei, Liyun Zhu called Datong Shu].

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ 







  
  
    Eurasia Beyond Facts & Figures
  

*by D***1 on Reviewed in the United States on October 16, 2019*

Mr. Macaes book blends travelogue with geopolitical analysis in a manner that seems to have irked some readers. I concede that I once counted myself among those irked. The book's first quarter I read with skepticism and it was after a lengthy hiatus that I endeavored to read on. As I did so the nature of the author's conception became apparent, and I quickly found myself entranced with this wonderful tale of the currents of today and the world of tomorrow.Allow me to first explain this initial skepticism before setting forth my grounds for its emphatic dismissal. The ostensible topic of Mr. Macaes' book is the growing interconnectedness between the historic poles of the Eurasian landmass, an interconnectedness that is social and cultural but principally economic. A reader could reasonably expect such a thesis to be buttressed by facts and figures, trendlines and projections. That expectation is dashed when we instead find in The Dawn of Eurasia the musings of dressmakers from the Caucuses and professors from countries glossed over in geography class exhorting the importance of national myths.Dashed expectations often leave the expecting with a feeling of insult, a sense that the expectation was correct and an approach at odds with it therefore incorrect. This was, in any event, the case with respect to my first encounters with The Dawn of Eurasia. What followed were attempts to reassert the correctness of my expectation: sure, I thought, these anecdotes are interesting, many anecdotes are. But arguments reliant on them are reliant on their selection among an infinity of choices, and tendentious selection can create an infinity of narratives.I read on nonetheless and began to see the sparsity of data and the richness of anecdote from a new perspective, a perspective still not aligned with my expectation but one that seemed to permit glimpses of deeper truths. For the bald fact of the growing integration of Eurasia is indeed not the subject of this book. Such a book would in fact offer little but truisms to readers who see the pace and nature of the globalization everywhere they look, in light of which the integration of Eurasian powers is an obvious and inexorably corollary. What is far more interesting is the outlook of the parties that find themselves in varying degrees agent of and subject to this integration.Put differently, the integration itself is certain while its nature, by virtue of its dependence on the all too human features the participants bring with them, remains uncertain. The critical question then becomes: what are these features? The contemporary Westerner, Macaes asserts, believes that these features are those that have come to govern their own societies. Adherents of today's Western neoliberalism see their worldview as not only incorporating what the chaos and violence of their 20th century experience taught them but also rightly reflecting what it should have taught the entire global order. The core of this teaching seems to be that whatever neoliberalism's failings, it promises the best hope to avoid the destruction visited upon their societies by the zero-sum, emotionally resonant, will to power colored worldviews of the last century.Europe's faded prominence relative to other Eurasian powers, however, means that though evangelize and teach they may the adoption of such teachings is no longer in their control. This point, Macae argues, seems not fully appreciated by Eurozone bureaucrats who, historically accustomed to holding the strings of global power, are not in the practice of rigorously checking their assumptions against the beliefs of non-European parties whose beliefs have only recently begun to matter.That this multipolar world was inaugurated only recently is in the end immaterial, however. What is important today are two fundamental, related questions. First, is the Eurozone assumption that today's non-Western great powers share the values, even if not the implementation, of neoliberalism accurate? Second, what are the implications for Europe and the West at large if these powers do not share these values, but instead hold other values and worldviews that may not only resemble those of Europe's bad old days but also offer their adherents unique strengths and advantages?Answering the first question brings us back to the primacy of anecdotes and testimonies in the Dawn of Eurasia. Mr. Macaes implies that this question can be answered no other way, and in the final analysis I found myself convinced of this at well. You cannot find a worldview in charts and graphs. To expect to do so or worse determine that if you cannot it means it must not matter would be a grave failing, a failing likely attendant to reliance on overly technocratic methodologies sadly too often seen in Brussels. Worldviews, existing alone in the minds of people, are rather revealed in the text and subtext of revealed human words and human actions.The most striking case from the book in this regard is doubtlessly found in the sections devoted to China. Chinese obfuscation and the inherent imprecision of assessing worldviews makes this a challenging task and one that requires some trust be granted Mr. Macaes. Accepting that, the clear outlines of a Chinese worldview deeply at odds with the neoliberal global order becomes apparent. I will not compete with Mr. Macaes excellent portrayal of the contours of this worldview beyond a few broad strokes.Dubious Chinese assertions of their desire to only foster win-win situations on a global scale notwithstanding, the Chinese world picture seems to be as follows. The Chinese mind envisions a world where lesser Eurasian powers are offered advantageous economic arrangements with China, without the Western human rights or reform strings attached that are often perceived as interference. In doing so, China often offers local industry the opportunity to develop with Chinese loans and eventually participate in global supply chains and promises to bring a bigger picture, more holistic approach than American corporations hostage to shareholders.So far, so good; it is not difficult to understand why so many Eurasian powers have been open to Chinese investment already. But those that have accepted this investment have learned that while it may have came without the formal strings of the West, it is in no way unencumbered. In all such relations China maintains a preeminence carefully guarded and absolute. Mr. Macaes hearkens back to similar arrangements in dynastic China where lesser powers paid China annual tributes. These tributes were part of an arrangement in which China offered tangible benefits to the lesser power, but a capitalistic exchange between parties they were certainly not. The serf pays, the vassal provides; a system of obligation the terms of which are established by the more powerful party.Now, such an arrangement is not unique to Chinese history and I don't believe Mr. Macaes believes the historical parallel to be precise. Nonetheless, the "too good to be true" deals offered by China are often just that, and the privilege enjoyed by China is not limited to economics but also intrudes into other dimensions of national sovereignty such as holding political positions at odds with Chinese sacred cows like the status of Hong Kong and Taiwan and the treatment of the Uigurs.The Dawn of Eurasia contains many similar examples from China as well as other worldview variant powers such as Russia and Turkey. To address the second question posed above, however, it is sufficient to remain on the subject of Eurasia's new superpower, China. What does it mean for Europe and the West to share global space with a competitor that thinks not in terms of the next quarter's economic results but rather regards itself as a civilizational power asserting civilizational interests? Whose citizens regard themselves not as economic actors in a global rules based system but members of a historically great people, possessing what a quoted Chinese student called a unique "sense of psychological identity" they will sacrifice to not only protect but globally project?The answer seems ineluctable. And with it the equally clear path forward, despite the wish of neoliberalism to never see such a world return. Mr. Macaes speaks with Chinese who state that with respect to conflict their ideal is to win before the opponent even knows they are fighting. The time has come to recognize a fight has begun and to accept that it won't be governed by contemporary European values and ideals. While a true return to the belligerency of the European great power days must be carefully avoided, so must care be taken to not attempt to compete on a global stage against a coherent civilization without being one oneself.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ 







  
  
    Great book on eurasian geopolitics
  

*by J***B on Reviewed in the United States on December 29, 2018*

Very good book and illuminating on the unfolding geopolitical order in Eurasia and necessary for our times to read it.

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